Thursday, 21 December 2017
Wednesday, 13 December 2017
Thursday, 7 December 2017
On Thursday December 14, we’re delighted to be welcoming Prof Miles Orvell from Temple University. He’ll be talking about: TOO BEAUTIFUL TO BE WRONG: PHOTOGRAPHY, SOCIAL JUSTICE, AND ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS SCVA Lecture Theatre, 1-2pm, 14.12.17. All welcome! #americanstudies #photography Image: Walker Evans, 1928-30.
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Tuesday, 5 December 2017
Monday, 4 December 2017
Thursday, 30 November 2017
Tuesday, 28 November 2017
Thursday, 23 November 2017
Tuesday, 21 November 2017
PhD applications
The School of Art, Media and American Studies (AMA) at the University of East Anglia is inviting applications to our PhD programmes.
There are a large number of funding opportunities available for AMA PhD applicants.
The University of East Anglia is part of the AHRC consortium CHASE (Consortium for the Arts and Humanities in South East England) which offers around 75 fully funded (tuition and maintenance grant) studentships per year to PhD students across the consortium.
Additionally, there are a number of funded Scholarships (equivalent to AHRC rates for both tuition and maintenance) offered by the University and the Faculty.
The School holds a wealth of expertise in Art History and World Art Studies; Film, Television, and Media; and American Studies. You may wish to consult our list of staff and their research interests for guidance on possible supervisory expertise:https://www.uea.ac.uk/ama
Funding is open to any area of research, although our particular strengths are in the following areas:
- Art History, World Art studies, Museums, Exhibition and Heritage, Critical Interpretation of Artistic Forms, Media, Material and Techniques
- American Studies, American Literature, American History; Race, Gender, Sexuality, and Civil Liberties; Popular and Avant Garde American Cultures; Transatlantic and Transpacific Studies; Environment, Space, and Place in American culture
- Film, Television and Media; Feminist Media Studies; Media Consumption; British Film; Genre Studies
If you wish to apply for funding as well as a place it is important that prospective applicants contact the School asap to start the application process so that you can work with potential supervisors on developing your proposal prior to application.
The deadline for applications (including all supporting information such as references) to be considered for funding is 10th January 2018.
If you are interested in applying for a PhD in Art History, Media, or American Studies at UEA, please contact the School’s Director of Postgraduate Research, Dr Sarah Garland (Sarah.Garland@uea.ac.uk), or contact a prospective supervisor directly copying Dr Garland into the email.
More information and details of how to apply can be found at: http://www.uea.ac.uk/study/postgraduate. Alternatively, please contact UEA Humanities Graduate School at:humgrad.school@uea.ac.uk .
Monday, 20 November 2017
Azelina Flint, one of our PhD students, is currently organising a conference devoted to the life and work of Louisa May Alcott’s sister May - a talented artist - to be hosted in Paris next year. Here’s the CFP. Also visit mayalcottnieriker.com for more information. #americanstudies #americanliterature #littlewomen
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Monday, 13 November 2017
Today’s image: Florida Gothic No. 3 by Elie Wolf (2017). A reminder that this year’s 2017 Charles Walker Memorial Lecture, sponsored by the 2nd Air Division Memorial Trust, is taking place TODAY. This year's speaker is Professor Susan Castillo Street (King's College London): The Dark Side of Paradise: 21st Century Florida Gothic in Carl Hiaasen and Karen Russell. Earlham Hall 0.12, UEA, 3.30pm. All welcome! Hope to see you there. #americanstudies #americanhistory #americanliterature #2ndairdivision #uea #heyuea
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Sunday, 12 November 2017
Tomorrow! Please join us for the 2017 Charles Walker Memorial Lecture, sponsored by the 2nd Air Division Memorial Trust. This year's speaker is Professor Susan Castillo Street (King's College London): The Dark Side of Paradise: 21st Century Florida Gothic in Carl Hiaasen and Karen Russell. Earlham Hall 0.12, UEA, 3.30pm. All welcome! Hope to see you there. #americanstudies #americanhistory #americanliterature #2ndairdivision #uea #heyuea
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Thursday, 9 November 2017
Monday, 6 November 2017
Tuesday, 31 October 2017
Friday, 27 October 2017
Details Please join us for the 2017 Charles Walker Memorial Lecture, sponsored by the 2nd Air Division Memorial Trust. This year's speaker is Professor Susan Castillo Street (King's College London): The Dark Side of Paradise: 21st Century Florida Gothic in Carl Hiaasen and Karen Russell. Earlham Hall 0.12, UEA, 3.30pm. All welcome! Hope to see you there. #americanstudies #americanhistory #americanliterature #2ndairdivision #uea #heyuea
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Thursday, 26 October 2017
Beyond the Spectacle: Native North American Presence in Britain
Queen Elizabeth II meets members of the Mohegan tribe at Southwark Cathedral in London on November 22, 2006.
She attended a funeral blessing and unveiled a memorial to the young Mohegan chieftain (Sachem) Mohamet Weyonomon,
who died in 1736.
Wednesday, 25 October 2017
Friday, 3 February 2017
The Supreme Court might just be the biggest loser in the battle over Gorsuch
Dr. Emma Long takes us through the political ramifications of Trump's decision to nominate Neil Gorsuch as Supreme Court Justice.
Candidate Trump promised to nominate to the US Supreme Court
a conservative jurist who would follow in the footsteps of his or her
predecessor, Antonin Scalia.
Someone who would adhere to a strict construction of the Constitution, an
originalist understanding of that document’s meaning, and a generally
conservative judge. In Judge Neil
M. Gorsuch, currently sitting on the Court of Appeals for the 10th
Circuit, that is exactly who President Trump nominated.
Given other events of the past week which have seen Trump’s
executive orders go further than even many conservative Republicans had
predicted, the nomination of Gorsuch was perhaps the most moderate, least
surprising development. His name had been on the second
list of potential nominees released by the Trump campaign last fall, he had
emerged as one of the leading candidates in the last few weeks and as the
frontrunner in the last few days.
His record is largely unsurprising for a man nominated to
the nation’s highest court by a Republican president. His legal career, suggests a friendliness
to business, he has been supportive of claims of religious
freedom from conservative Christians, supported
the death penalty, opposed assisted
suicide and euthanasia laws, and written of the “inviolability” of human
life which suggests a tough stance on abortion.
So Gorsuch does not fit with most liberals’ image of the
ideal Supreme Court Justice. But
he appears eminently
qualified
for the role. He has a law degree
from Harvard and a PhD from Oxford, which he attended as a Marshall
scholar. He clerked for Supreme
Court Justices Byron White and Anthony Kennedy, worked on corporate law in
private practice and was appointed to the 10th Circuit in 2006 by
President George W. Bush. As Trump
noted in his announcement, Gorsuch has “outstanding legal skills, a brilliant
mind … and has earned bipartisan support.”
And that looks increasingly likely to be the problem. Even before Tuesday’s announcement,
Senate Democrats had indicated
that they would be likely to oppose a Trump nominee. Still smarting from Republicans’ refusal to hold hearings on
Judge
Merrick Garland, President Obama’s nominee to the Court, Democrats are now
threatening to employ the same tactics.
If they do, not only are they likely to lose, but the battle could cause
long term damage to the Court itself, because their opposition is not based on
Gorsuch’s qualifications for the role but his political and legal views.
The Supreme Court is a legal institution, first and
foremost; its members are judges.
It is also a political institution: its place as one of three co-equal
branches of the American government and its role in interpreting controversial
aspects of the Constitution mean it cannot avoid being so. But too often in recent years
politicians and commentators have discussed the Court in explicitly partisan
terms. The effect has been to
imply, and sometimes to overtly state, that the Court’s members made decisions
as Republicans or Democrats, not as judges whose political and legal worldviews
might lead them to support one party over another. From here it’s a very short step to argue, as Ted
Cruz and other Republicans did last year, that they could not allow the
Court to be “lost” or “taken over” by a liberal majority.
But the Court is not a branch to be “captured” by one party
or another. And the Senate’s job
is not to assess a nominee’s qualifications based on his political views but
upon his ability to undertake the role to which he has been nominated. This has too often been forgotten in
recent years. Since the 1973
ruling in Roe v. Wade which protected, within
limits, women’s right to terminate a pregnancy, potential nominees have been
judged, in part, on their views on particular “hot button” issues, particularly
abortion, the death penalty, and gun control. This process arguably reached its nadir in the 1987 hearings
on President Reagan’s nomination of Robert
Bork to the Court.
Intellectually capable, Bork was rejected because his politics were
considered unacceptably
conservative for the Court at that time. In 2006, Justice Samuel Alito found his nomination hearings
more challenging than Chief Justice John Roberts just a few months earlier, in
part because he was a legal conservative nominated to a seat held by Justice
Sandra Day O’Connor, considered to be at the Court’s ideological centre. The process has been a gradual one, and
Republicans and Democrats have both played their part, but it has been
corrosive nonetheless.
The consequences of this gradual politicization of the Court
have become clear in recent years.
Traditionally enjoying greater public approval than either the president
or Congress, the Court has seen its approval ratings plummet. A July 2016 Gallup
poll showed public approval of the Court at 42%, well below approval
ratings of the 1990s. The
politicization of the Court also threatens the Court’s legitimacy. Unelected and serving life terms, with
no power except their institutional role and persuasion to convince the country
to abide by their decisions, historically the legitimacy of the Court and the
Justices has rested on the idea that the Court upholds the rule of law, that
there is some distance between interpreting the law and making political
decisions. If Americans come to
believe that politics is the only deciding factor in the Court’s
decision-making, the Court’s legitimacy, and thus its ability to compel
compliance, may weaken. If that
happens, all Americans lose, regardless of party affiliation.
Democrats have every right to feel aggrieved about
Republicans’ tactics over Garland, and to rue the loss of the chance to appoint
a Justice of their choice to the Court. But both parties need to think
carefully about how they handle Gorsuch’s nomination if they want to avoid
causing irreparable damage to the Court.
Republicans would do well to show some humility: winning the presidency
does not lessen the taint of their tactics in 2016. Senate Majority Leader Mitch
McConnell’s criticism of Democrats for proposing similar tactics to his in
opposing Trump’s nominee smacks or rank hypocrisy. Democrats, for their part, might well have to accept that
while they don’t like Gorsuch’s politics, he is qualified to be on the Court. In losing the battle, they might just
help protect and preserve the Court for the future.
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